Filed under: Mexico
This article also appears in the August 2006 issue of Works in Progress.
The day after arriving in Mexico City, as I stood in a crowd of a half a million Mexican supporters who had travelled from all over the country, presidential candidate Andrés Manuel Lopez Obrador made his demand for a vote by vote recount of the July 2nd election. According to journalist John Ross who has covered Mexico for many years “This country is absolutely divided right down the center, between the industrial north and the indigenous, impoverished, but resource-rich south. It’s an election that has split the county right down the line geographically, politically, economically and racially.” Obrador has represented a shift to the left, supporting the poor, in alignment with the new left democracies in Latin America, although some members of popular movements consider him more to the middle. His opposition, Felipe Calderón, represents neoliberalism and continued alignment with George Bush and Washington. Obrador has refused to concede defeat in the July 2nd election where Calderon led by little more than half a percentage point amidst claims of ballot stuffing and corruption. Speaking to the crowd Obrador stated, “I have the deep conviction that despite all the machinery of the state, and all the money of a privileged group, they will not be able to stop the free will of millions of Mexicans,” he said. “That is the greatest force of a democracy.” A call was made for peaceful civil disobedience in defence of democracy and another rally on the 30th of July. The electoral court, itself accused of being in the hands of the right-wing parties, is reviewing the accounts of fraud and corruption and has until September 6th to certify a winner.
In Oaxaca, the fifth largest state in Mexico, Obrador received the vast majority of the votes, a surprising loss for a traditional conservative party stronghold. This upset is being credited primarily to a growing popular movement currently represented by a state wide strike of the democratic teachers union SNTE Section 22 in Oaxaca. On May 22nd the union declared the strike and established an encampment of 70,000 teachers in the center of the city taking over the Zócalo, the main square, and almost 50 surrounding streets to publicize and emphasize their demands. These demands include an increase in salaries to reach the same level as teachers in the neighboring states of Chiapas and Veracruz as required by the Mexican constitution, equal salary for equal work and that all children receive breakfast, school uniforms, shoes, books, writing implements and minimally adequate school buildings. The Mexican constitution demands that all children have the same access to education. This is not the case today where children come to school hungry, barefoot and without desks, books and pencils.
The huge encampment and the growing social movement pose a threat to the far right conservative Oaxacan government and the industries it represents. On June 14th they responded to the strikers with repression. At 4:30 in the morning more than 3000 armed police officers attacked the sleeping teachers and families with helicopters, teargas, stun grenades, rifles, and clubs. Many tents and teachers’ belongings were burnt. The grassroots radio station Radio Plantón was destroyed. Support for the teachers spread quickly and a march was held on June 16th with over 400,000 in attendance. They teachers and their supporters quickly reclaimed the center square and although many teachers recently returned to their regions briefly to assist students in fulfilling their academic requirements so they can continue to the next grade, the encampment continues. A new entity was formed of the 350 organizations that mobilized alongside the teacher strike called the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO) and through consensus they have decided to change the primary demand to the resignation of Governor of Oaxaca, Ulises Ruiz Ortiz. Not only because of his responsibility in the violent repression of their democratic strike but because he too was brought to power through fraud, and since the beginning of his term he has favored corporate interests and undermined social organizations.
The violent repression did not succeed in forcing the teachers out of Oaxaca City, so the tactics used to discredit the movement were expanded. Businessmen closely allied with the Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz sponsored the “March in Defense of Education” where workers were threatened with the loss of their jobs if they did not attend and many reported promises of money, eyeglasses, cement, mattresses and food. The march was attended by less than 10,000.
In order to pit tourists against the union, Governor Ulises announced on July 17th that he was suspending Guelaguetza, an internationally popular cultural festival that draws over 20,000 tourists each year “because of fears that thousands of striking teachers will threaten tourists.” As I walk through the sea of artistic banners and tarps that make up the encampment I feel no threat, rather I am greeted with many signs hung by the teachers union in English stating “Sorry for the annoyances. What is happening is that we are busy making our history. As soon as Ulises gets out of here, we will welcome you again with open arms – the Citizens of Oaxaca.”
The teachers had called for a boycott of the festival prior to the Governors suspension in opposition to the high costs of the festival, to the profits benefiting only the travel agencies, transnational enterprises, wealthy hotel and restaurant owners. The ethnic groups of the region express concern over being reduced to mere tourist and folk merchandise. Rather than posing a threat to tourists, the teachers have planned an alternative popular, free and inclusive festival to occur on July 24th.
Although this is my first trip to Mexico, in the last week I have felt the tremendous strength of the popular movement – the spirit, solidarity, creativity and persistence. Whether or not justice is served in the presidential election or in the meeting of the Oaxacan teachers’ demands it is clear to me that no amount of corruption or repression will stop the momentum that is building. As Ana, a member of the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca, explained to me, “…wherever there is misery living together with wealth – extreme poverty and extreme wealth – there will always be social conflict. It is hard to have a situation of peace when people are hungry, when they don’t have access to even basic services.”
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